Dr. Shiv Kant Yadav
Political Science Department
DAV College, Bulandshahr (U.P.)
Dennis Kux stated ” Indo- US relations as from estrangement to engagement.” in his book estranged Democracies. India and the United States are widely recognised as the world’s largest and the most powerful democracies respectively. The added significant feature are marked by the fact that India is one of the oldest civilisation. However, in the terms of statehood experience, it is the us, which is older than India and when India took birth as a newly independent country in 1947, the US was already more than a century and a half old and emerged as a global superpowers, factors related to civilization, statehood & governance thus made the relations b/w India and the US as one of the most complex lateral relations in world history. Soon after independence, India chose not to join any of the two power blocs, and adopted the policy of NAM. As and when the US promoted the formation of military blocs and security alliances, India inclemently opposed them. India was particularly critical about the formations of South East- Asia treaty organisation (SEATO) and Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO). These two organisation brought cold war to India’s steps with Pakistan becoming and active member in them. As the alliance politics conditioned the US thinking on a series of political events and armed conflicts around the world and non- alignment conditioned the Indian thinking, New Delhi and Washington differed on majority of such issues. The Cold-war related political divergence b/w India and the US were particularly visible and propounded on issues related to decolonization of colonial terrotories, the Korean war, Vietnam War, Sueg Crisis, Hungarian Crisis, and the PRC’s membership in the United Nation However, India and the US also strongly differed on certain issues related to India’s national security. These were the Kashmir problem, American arms transfer to Pakistan and the Nuclear issues. Phases of Relationship : * Shift towards pragmatic diplomacy from Nehruian idealistic pacifism came after, Indo- Sino war. During India, China fight border war 1962, U.S. rejects Nehru’s request for military aid but Washington recognized the McMohan line as the border. Until the 1965, India- Pak war, strategic and military ties b/w Washington and Delhi remain close. The nuclear issue came to dominate India’s relation with the US even since China went nuclear in 1964. * India disregarded the discriminatory document NPT 1968, on the grounds that it prohibiting non- nuclear weapon states to develop nuclear programmes while allowing weaponised states to keep these weapons.In term, India conducted a Peaceful Nuclear Explosion (PNE) in 1974 (Smiling Buddha) Pokhran I Test. This move countributes to a period of estrangement b/w the US and India that last over two decades, Under 1978, NPT Act, India refuses for inspection of all nuclear facilities by the IAEA and Washington and all nuclear assistance to Delhi. 1984 Bhopal Gas Leak Tragedy further harmo US India relations and continues to complicate the bilateral relationship years after Notmitherlanding the military distance and political difference between India and the US during the cold war, the two countries had good working relations in other areas. New Delhi and Washington never perceived each other as enemies. In fact, When Sino- US detete coincided with Indo-Soviet friendship and cooperation in early 1970’s, the political difference b/w India and the US further widended. But even this development did not lead to a serious fracture in the bilateral relationship. In fact, Bill Clinton become the first post cold war US President, India found its relations with that country in doldrums. These relations were challenged in terms of legal validity of Kashmir’s accession to India expecially the Ladakh region ‘Aksai Chin’. * Beginning of a change : 1991 economic reforms PM Narasimha Rao launches a series of reforms Kenning up of the economy to foreign inuestinent privatisaiton and liberalisation. * Relation in the New Millenium : President Bush 2000 considered China a strategic competitor and India a democratic strategic partner. India, in his view, is a major world power and the US Indian relations would be important to maintain Asian and Global stability in the 21st Century. India’s quick support to Bush’s concept of National Missile Defence (NMD) suprised the whole world. But it syntholised the birth of a new and more intense strategic relation ship b/w India and the US. In 2001, US lifts India Sanctions that were imposed. In 2005, US India sign New Defence Framework for cooperation in maritime security, humanitarian assistance and latest being the manual execises. 2005 Landmark Civil Nuclear Deal to place all to civil resources under IAEA safeguards which got final approval in 2008. In 2010, US india economic and financial partnership to be launched followed by US India, Hold first Strategic Dialogue. Also in Obama back india Bid for UNSC. The 21st Century is already witnessing the rise of China and India to global prominence. Using a historical vienepoint, we take the position that India and China have strengthened their bilateral relations very considerably since, 1988 through regular, high level meetings, confidence building measures, accelerating economic activity and revival in public memory of the rich cultural and intellectual exchange that have taken place b/w their two gloious ancient – civilizations. Accordingly the risk of military conflict between the giant neighbours in the near future is low, despite pesceived competition in some areas of security, access to resources and status, contentions issues remain unresolved too, notably the border problem. As a permanent member of the United Nations (UN) Security council and for other reasons as well, China occupies a higher position than India in the international hierarchy of states and in popular or western perceptions, but in the past decade all established powers have also engaged with India in ‘Strategic’ and other kinds of partnerships. Most attention has focused on the new US-India relationship, with the world’s oldest and largest democracies sometimes described as ‘Natural allies’ and sometimes as ‘impossible allies’, including a controversial argument in 2005 on civil nuclear cooperation. China’s reactions have been equivocal at best, and its own bilateral relationship with the US is a highly complex on. We look at an emerging US -India China triangle not as a area of inevitable conflict but as one of engagement of all three powers in the future Asia. * Various Asian regional organisations, notably the South Asian association for Regional corperation (SAARC) and the association for south eastern Nation (ASEAN), evidently share this view and seek to enlarge areas of cooperation in a globalizing world. * In short, we find china and India capable of overcoming strong negative legacies of their 20th C histories so as to make positive contributions to their huge populations and the world in general during the 21st C. * Change in Global Order : Further more the fact that both China & India desire greater representation in international institutions does not mean that they concur with each other’s aspirations. In particular the have clashed over the expansion of UNSC. India has prioritized permanent UNSC representation arguing in Mohan’s words that ” the current structure… is outmoded and ineffective.” whereas China insists that any expansion include more developing countries and therefore, china opposes India’s inclusion in UNSC. Wang sees China as fearful of American containment and thus wasy of the United States developing relationship with India. However, Mohan argues that India is not necessarily moving closer to the United states but that China is pushing Washington and New Delhi closer together by virtue of its adoption of potential interuentionist policies that threaten India’s interests in its own neighborhood. On balance, Sino – Indian divergence on many matters of global order may be deeper than the common rhetoric suggests. While China and India agree in the abstract on concepts such as state sovereighty and humanitarian intervention, they are divided by their perceptions of the threats facing the international system as well as by their concern about their own security. China deeply fears Aussican intrusion on its sovereignity and is ecutely conscious of the everage India possess regarding. Tibet’s future as a Chinese province. Although India is still hesitant to confront China outright or commit to a strong affiliation with the U.S. Mohan notes that New Delhi and Washington are growing closer on issues such a democracy, humanitarian interevention and defence cooperation as consequence to the threat cause by China in current trends. The current political relations b/w India and China can be termed as “Strategic competition and strategic Partnership”. There is also certain assertuive policies from part of China Recent Arunachal Pradesh intrusion, stapled visa problem to Kashmir citizens. There have been border dispute/ issues, string of pearls, Doklam issue and OBOR initiative. * India – China Border dispute include 3 sectors : Western Sector J & K (Aksai Chin), Middle (Uttrakhand) and Eastern Sector (AP) resulted in 3 major military conflicts : the Seino – Indian wear of 1962, the Chola incident in 1967 and the 1987 Sino- Indian Skirmish. * 2013 Depsang Valley Chumar incidents proved that there is an urgent need to resolve the border dispute. * ” String of Pearls strategy” : Chinese political influence or military presence astride oil routes. The tankers that move through Indian ocean carry 80% of China’s oil, 65 % of India’s and 60% of Japan’s making those maters crucially important to 3 of Asia’s great process. India initiated Project Mausam to counter balance this. * OBOR or the Maritime silk Koute or use one Belt one Road, the Indian interests in the South China sea. Almost, 55% of India’s trade with the Asia – Pacific transists through the SCS. * Apart from helping secure energy suppliers for countries like Japan & Korea, India has the unique distinction of shipping oil from Sakhali to Mangalore through sea routes of the region. * Presence in SCS will help India to have effective control over Malacca strait. * SCS is crucial in India’s look east policy – 2* The SCS is not only a strategic maritime link between the Pacific and the Indian oceans, but also a vital gateway for shipping in East – Asia. Hence, it accords great importance to Indian US to jointly counterweight this. Most recently being the Doklam issue, after US, Japan also backs India in opposition to there constraints forced by China. * It is in this regard. India and the US have agreed in principle to share military logistics to use each other’s land, air and manual bases for resupplies, repair and rest. * India is participating in exercise Malabar, a trilateral novel exercise involving the US & Japan originally a bilateral exercise b/w India & US, Japan become a permanent panther in 2015.* Bilateral defence ties are perceived as a possible hedge against or counterbalance to growing chinese influence in Asia. * DTTI, originally called the Carter initiative alinis to strengthen defence industrail base, technological colloboration and expand US – Indian business ties. * Civil Nuclear Deal with USA being decade old now facilitated civilian and non civilian facilitates under IAEA safegards despite not being member of NSG. India’s civil liability for Nuclear Damage Bill is being objected by USA. Due to CLNA, CSC 2010 gave access to addtional help. * RTAs in the Asia- Pacific India is the Party to regional comprehensive economic partnership (RCEP) negotiations and the US is taking a leading role in the Trans Pacific Partnership negotiations. * 3 Agreements b/w Indo-Us relations- o LEMOA : Use of defence faciliteso CISMO : Communication o BECA- GSC: Map (Gev – Special)Moreover, according to the US analysis, china will pose or emerge as a great threat as compared to India in the quest of the changing world order. Therefore, the two nations India and the US must collaborate more in areas of Natural security and technology. Although chinese-Indian relations have achieved major progress over the last decade, obstacles to future development remain unresolved territorial disputes, mutual suspicious, and growing siualry in the areas of energy, regional influence, and realignment of great power relations, could deny the two rising Asian giants the opportunity to cooperate and realize their potential as the engines of growth and pillars of stability in Asia and beyond. * India’s strengthening alliance with U.S., Chinese strengthening alliance with Pakistan and the border problem b/w India & China will increase the mutual suspicions b/w the two. * Many analysts in India argued that China is encirling and containing , India, by maintaining more cordial relations with Pals & other South Asian countries their current nuclear deal b/w Pakistan is an effort to equate with Indo-US civilian Nuclear deal. Border intrusions & monoverings played against India in many ways by china created a trust deficit among Indians towards china. However India emerged in the 25th Century as increasingly vital to core US foreign policy interest. India, the dominant actor in its region, and the home of more than one billion citizen, is now after characterised as a vascent Great Power and an ‘indispensable partner’ of US, One that many analysts view as a potential couterweight to the growing clout of China.
1. L.M. Goodrich : The United Nations, p. 326.
2. Official Records of Second part of the Third Session of the General Assembly p.2.
3. Official Records of the General Assembly Session, 1954 p.2.
4. Ibid, p. 219.
5. Foreign Affairs, October, 1954 p.8.
6. Official Records of Tenth Session of the General Assembly, 1955, p. 16.
7. Dag Hamm Arsjold : The United Nations, The United Nations Review, July 1958 P.14.
8. Dag Hamm Arsjod : The United Nations : An Appraisal, India Quarterly, April June 1956, 1956 p.p. 142-43.
9. The Political Role of the General Assembly, p. 173.
10. The United Nations, pp. 70-80
11. Bentwich and Martin : op. cit, p. 8.
12. Norman, Bentwich and Andrew Martin : op. cit, p.8
13. Quincy Wright : The Study of International Relations, p. 233.
14. The Hindustan Times, 28 August, 1953.
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